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    Finally, the passage of the Austrian Constitution in March convinced a few Czech deputies who had boycotted the National Assembly to appear, if only in moral opposition.

    For these reasons, the total number of deputies may never be settled. The social make-up of the deputies was very homogeneous throughout the session.

    The parliament mostly represented the educated bourgeoisie Middle Class. In terms of profession, upper-level civil servants formed the majority: Among the professors, besides lawyers, experts in German Studies and historians were especially common, due to the fact that under the sway of restoration politics, academic meetings in such disciplines, e.

    The economically active Middle Class was represented by only about 60 deputies, including many publishers, including Bassermann and Georg Friedrich Kolb , but also businessmen, industrialists and bankers, such as Hermann Henrich Meier , Ernst Merck , Hermann von Beckerath , Gustav Mevissen and Carl Mez.

    Tradesmen and representatives of agriculture were very poorly represented — the latter were mostly represented by big landowners from east of the Elbe , accompanied by only three farmers.

    Craftsmen like Robert Blum or Wilhelm Wolff were associated almost exclusively with the radical democratic Left , as they knew the social problems of the underprivileged classes from personal observations.

    A few of them, e. Wolff, already saw themselves as explicit socialists. In his opening speech on 19 May , Gagern defined the main tasks of the national assembly as the creation of a "constitution for Germany" and the achievement of German unification.

    This was followed by a total of sessions, supported by 26 committees and five commissions, in the course of which the deputies developed the Frankfurt Constitution.

    While the opening session had generally been quite chaotic, with the deputies seated haphazardly, independent of their political affiliations, ordered parliamentary procedures developed quickly.

    Soon, deputies started assembling in Klubs clubs , which served as discussion groups for kindred spirits and led to the development of Fraktionen Parliamentary groups or factions , a necessary prerequisite for the development of political majorities.

    These Fraktionen were perceived as clubs and thus usually named after the location of their meetings; generally, they were quite unstable.

    According to their stances, especially on the constitution, on the powers of parliament and on central government as opposed to individual states, they are broadly divided into three basic camps:.

    In his memoirs, the deputy Robert Mohl wrote about the formation and functioning of the Clubs:. These party meetings were indeed an important part of political life in Frankfurt, significant for positive, but clearly also for negative, results.

    A club offered a get-together with politically kindred spirits, some of whom became true friends, comparably rapid decisions and, as a result, perhaps success in the overall assembly.

    Since the national assembly had not been initiated by the German Confederation, it was lacking not only major constitutional bodies, such as a head of state and a government, but also legal legitimation.

    A modification of the Bundesakte , the constitution of the German Confederation could have brought about such legitimation, but was practically impossible to achieve, as it would have required the unanimous support of all 38 signatory states.

    Partially for this reason, influential European powers, including France and Russia, declined to recognize the Parliament. While the left demanded to solve this situation by creating a revolutionary parliamentary government, the center and right acted to create a monarchy.

    On 24 June , Heinrich von Gagern argued for a regency and provisional central government to carry out parliamentary decisions. On 28 June , the Paulskirche parliament voted, with votes against , for the so-called Provisional Central Power Provisorische Zentralgewalt.

    The next day, 29 June, the Parliament cast votes for candidates to be the Reichsverweser or Regent of the Empire, a temporary head of state.

    The office of Regent was declared "irresponsible", meaning the Regent could not govern except through his ministers, who were responsible to the Parliament.

    The Parliament then dispatched a deputation to the Archduke to present the honor bestowed upon him. However, the Confederate Diet Bundesversammlung sent their own letter, which the Archduke received prior to the parliamentary deputation, informing him that the princes of the Confederation had nominated him Regent before the Parliament had done so.

    The Archduke received the delegation on 5 July and accepted the position, stating, however, that he could not undertake full responsibility in Frankfurt until he had finished his current work of opening the Austrian Parliament in Vienna.

    Therefore, Archduke John drove to Frankfurt where he was sworn in as Regent on the morning of 12 July in the Paulskirche, and then crossed over to the Thurn and Taxis Palace to deliver a speech to the Confederate Diet, which then declared the end of its work and delegated its responsibilities to the Regent.

    Archduke John returned to Vienna on 17 July to finish his tasks there. At the same time, the Provisional Central Power undertook to create a government apparatus, made up of specialized ministries and special envoys, employing, for financial reasons, mainly deputies of the assembly.

    Whatever form the final government of united Germany was to take would be defined by the Constitution, and necessary changes to the Provisional Central Power would be made accordingly.

    On 15 July , the Regent appointed his first government under prime minister Prince Carl zu Leiningen , the maternal half-brother of Queen Victoria of Great Britain.

    At the end of August , there were a total of 26 persons employed in the administration of the provisional government. By 15 February , the number had increased to Some 35 of them worked in the War Department and had been employed by the Confederate Diet in the same capacity.

    The Ministry of Commerce employed 25 staff, including the section in charge of the German Fleet, which was only separated as an independent Naval ministry in May The diplomatic section employed mostly freelance personnel who held portfolios for state governments.

    As the National Assembly had initiated the creation of the Provisional Central Power, the Regent and his government were expected to be subservient to their whims.

    But, when concentrated in the hands of one man, it could make him supreme if he chose to be so. However, the Regent was a man of advanced age who was convinced, like most of his contemporaries, that his office would be of short duration and his role should be strictly an honor.

    Therefore, the personalities of the Prime Ministers during the life of the Provisional Central Power clearly defined the government during their tenures.

    Carl zu Leiningen was staunchly anti-Prussian and essentially anti-prince. His family had been mediatized along with hundreds of other nobles in the Napoleonic period, and he expected the remaining princes of Germany to set aside their crowns as well.

    Yet, as the National Assembly dragged out its work on the Constitution, the role of the Provisional Central Power changed. Soon, its purpose was to shore up the diminishing legitimacy of the whole project in eyes of the people and the princes.

    After the Constitution was rejected by the larger states in April , Gagern came into conflict with the Regent over his refusal to defend the Constitution, and resigned.

    Influenced by the general nationalist atmosphere, the political situation in Schleswig and Holstein became especially explosive.

    According to the Treaty of Ribe , the two duchies were to remain eternally undivided and stood in personal union with Denmark. Nonetheless, only Holstein was part of the German Confederation, whereas Schleswig, with a mixed population of German-speakers and Danish speakers, formed a Danish fiefdom.

    German national liberals and the left demanded that Schleswig be admitted to the German Confederation and be represented at the national assembly, while Danish national liberals wanted to incorporate Schleswig into a new Danish national state.

    When King Frederick VII announced on 27 March the promulgation of a liberal constitution under which the duchy, while preserving its local autonomy, would become an integral part of Denmark, the radicals broke into revolt.

    The Estates of Holstein followed suit. A revolutionary government for the duchies was declared, and an army was hastily formed. Denmark landed 7, troops near Flensburg on 1 April to suppress the rebels.

    The Confederate Diet ordered Prussia to protect the Duchies on 4 April and recognized the revolutionary government.

    But it was only when Denmark ordered its fleet to seize Prussian ships on 19 April that General Friedrich von Wrangel marched his Prussian troops upon Danish positions at the Dannevirke entrenchment and the city of Schleswig.

    His columns pushed through Schleswig and seized the key fortress of Fredericia without a struggle on 2 May. But pressure from foreign sources arose from all quarters: Tsar Nicholas of Russia sent sharp warnings to Berlin about respecting the integrity of Denmark, as King Frederick was a cousin of the Tsar.

    The British were agitated by Prussian aggression. However, Wrangel refused to accept the terms, declaring he was under orders not from Berlin but from the Confederate Diet, which had just been superseded by the Provisional Central Power.

    Therefore, he would hold positions and await further orders from the Regent. Army Corps to support Wrangel. This infuriated the foreign powers, who dispatched further threats to Berlin.

    Its terms included the withdrawal of all German Confederate soldiers from Schleswig-Holstein and a shared administration of the land. No recognition was made of the Provisional Central Power in the deliberations.

    After that, Prime Minister Leiningen resigned his office. The Regent entrusted Dahlmann to form a new ministry, but his fiery rhetoric over Schleswig-Holstein could not be turned into political capital.

    In a second vote, on 16 September , the Assembly accepted the de facto position and approved the Treaty with a narrow majority.

    In Frankfurt this led to the Septemberunruhen "September unrest" , a popular rising that entailed the murder of parliamentarians from the Casino faction, Lichnowsky and Auerswald.

    The Regent was forced to call for the support of Prussian and Austrian troops stationed in the Fortress of Mainz , and these restored order in Frankfurt and the vicinity within two weeks.

    Henceforth, the radical democrats, whose views were both leftist and nationalist, ceased to accept their representation through the National Assembly.

    In several states of the German Confederation, they resorted to individual revolutionary activities. The nationalist unrest in Hungary spread to Vienna in early October, leading to a third revolutionary wave, the Wiener Oktoberaufstand "Vienna October rising" , which further impeded the work of the Assembly.

    Radical democratic politicians saw it as final confirmation that the bourgeois politicians, as Hecker had said in spring , " negotiate with the princes " instead of " acting in the name of the sovereign people ", [24] thus becoming traitors to the cause of the people.

    In contrast, the bourgeois liberals saw the unrests as further proof for what they saw as the short-sighted and irresponsible stance of the left, and of the dangers of a " left-wing mob " spreading anarchy and murder.

    This early divide of its main components was of major importance for the later failure of the National Assembly, as it caused lasting damage not only to the esteem and acceptance of the parliament, but also to the cooperation among its factions.

    The vote passed overwhelmingly on 14 June , and this date is still celebrated as the foundation of the modern German Navy. However, the National Assembly had no funds to disburse for the project.

    National enthusiasm led to numerous penny-collections across Germany, as well the raising of volunteers to man whatever vessels could be purchased, to be commanded by retired naval officers from coastal German states.

    Actual monies for the Navy did not become available until the Confederate Diet dissolved itself on 12 July and the Federal Fortress budget Bundesmatrikularkasse came into possession of the Provisional Central Power.

    Difficulties arose in the procurement and equipment of suitable warships, as the British and Dutch were wary of a new naval power arising in the North Sea, and Denmark pressed its blockade harder.

    Furthermore, most German states forbade their trained personnel from serving in another navy, even though it was to be for their own common defense.

    Nevertheless, by 15 October , three steam corvettes and one sailing frigate were placed into service.

    In total, two sailing frigates, two steam regattas, six steam corvettes, 26 rowing gunboats, and one hawk ship were procured from diverse places.

    In consequence, however, the entire budget inherited from the Confederate Diet was spent. Discussions in the National Assembly for raising funds through taxes were tied into the Constitutional debates, and the Provisional Central Power could not convince the state governments to make any more contributions than what they had agreed upon in the Confederate Diet.

    Even worse, the chaotic finances of such states as Austria, which was fighting wars in Italy and Hungary and suppressing rebellions in Prague and Vienna, meant little or no payment was to be expected in the near future.

    Effectively, the National Assembly and the Provisional Central Power were bankrupt and unable to undertake such rudimentary projects as paying salaries, purchasing buildings, or even publishing notices.

    The revolution functioned on the financial charity of individual Germans and the good will of the states, which grew thinner as the months passed.

    Anxious to bring the war with Denmark to a victorious conclusion, on 15 July the National Assembly decreed that the German Confederate Army should be doubled in size.

    This was to be done by raising the proportion of recruits to 2 percent of the population, and also by the abolition of all laws of exemption in the individual States.

    Not only did the Prussian government complain about interference in its conduct of the Danish war, but the various Chambers of the States published complaints against the Parliament for violating their sovereignty and threatening their already shaky state budgets.

    Many common people also denounced the idea of an expanded army and conscription. On 16 July, the Minister of War sent a circular to the state Governments with a proclamation to the German troops, in which he decreed the Regent as the highest military authority in Germany.

    At the same time, he ordered the state governments to call out the troops of every garrison for a parade on 6 August, the 42nd anniversary of the end of the Holy Roman Empire.

    Then, the soldiers were to assume the German cockade as a symbol of their allegiance to the new order of things. In Berlin, King Frederick William issued a decree to the army that on 6 August there was to be no parade anywhere in Prussia.

    Latour demanded a sharp response from the government of Austria, which at that moment was headed by Archduke John in Vienna. Ironically, the Archduke had to dispatch a complaint about the matter in the name of the Austrian government to himself as head of the Provisional Central Power.

    Thus, the attempt of the Provisional Central Power to assert its authority over all the armed forces within Germany failed. The Regent still held authority over the German Confederate Army, but this force represented less than half of the standing armies of the states, and these were led by officers whose loyalty remained first and foremost to their sovereign princes.

    On 20 July the Regent, along with Heinrich Gagern and a large deputation from the Parliament, accepted an invitation by King Frederick William to take part in a festival celebrating new construction to the great Cathedral of Cologne.

    The radical left condemned the festival, correctly assuming it would strengthen feelings of loyalty in the people toward their princes.

    On 15 August, the deputation arrived in Cologne by riverboat. Standing on the quay, the King embraced the Regent to the cheer of the crowds, and then allowed Gagern to present the members of the deputation.

    He addressed to them a few friendly words on the importance of their work and added with emphasis: Later, a torchlight parade carried the King and the Regent to the cathedral square, where the crowds showered them with adulation.

    Gagern, however, missed the parade entirely as it dispersed due to rains before it reached the end of the route where he awaited it. The National Assembly deputies marched in the parade only as one of many groups, flanked by fire-fighters and police.

    Finally, at the grand banquet afterward, a toast by prominent leftist deputy Franz Raveaux was missed by the royal retinue and other dignitaries, as all of them departed early.

    An Uprising in Vienna at the beginning of October forced the Austrian court to flee the city. The National Assembly, instigated by left-wing deputies, attempted to mediate between the Austrian government and the revolutionaries.

    In the meantime, the Austrian army violently suppressed the rising. In the course of events, the deputy Robert Blum , one of the figureheads of the democratic left, was arrested.

    This highlighted the powerlessness of the National Assembly and its dependence on the goodwill of the state governments of the German Confederation.

    The fact that fate of the revolution was decided in Vienna and Berlin, that the key issues of life were dealt with in both those capitals without taking the slightest notice of the Frankfurt assembly—that fact alone is sufficient to prove that the institution was a mere debating club, consisting of an accumulation of gullible wretches who allowed themselves to be abused as puppets by the governments, so as to provide a show to amuse the shopkeepers and tradesmen of small states and towns, as long as it was considered necessary to distract their attention.

    The execution also indicated that the force of the March Revolution was beginning to flag by the autumn of This did not apply only to Austria.

    The power of the governments appointed in March was eroding. In Prussia, the Prussian National Assembly was disbanded and its draft constitution rejected.

    With history, politics, and ethnicity in conflict, defining the meaning of "Germany" was proving a major obstacle for the National Assembly.

    The biggest problem was that the two most powerful states, Prussia and especially Austria, had large possessions with non-German populations outside the boundaries of the Confederation.

    Incorporating such areas into a German nation-state not only raised questions regarding the national identity of the inhabitants, but also challenged the relationship between the two states within Germany.

    At the same time, Denmark and the Netherlands administered sovereign territories within the Confederation, further entangling the question of Germany in the affairs of foreign powers.

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